Antithesis by allison crews

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Contents:
  1. Antithesis
  2. Warfarin red spots on arms
  3. Runner's World Heroes
  4. Antithesis - Antithesis Series Book One

Travel Videos Full Article List. Remember Me. Log in. Subscriber Discounts. Recommended for young foxhunters! Customer Reviews: Rating: "Antithesis is one of the best books I have ever read in my life! Advertise here. How to resolve AdBlock issue? Log In. Using FHL. Featured Product. Your Cart. In the evenings, to stretch their limbs and get drunk, the gang would roll out to this bar. The bar looks different at 10 in the morning, day-lit, set up for brunch. But, she remembers, there used to be a good sofa upstairs, past the table-football table, near the fireplace Robbie left London about a year ago, around the time she married her husband, Tom Ackerley , and moved to Los Angeles.

She has flown back in to attend a screening of her new film, I, Tonya , ahead of its UK release. Robbie stars in this dark, low-budget comedy-biopic about the wayward American figure skater, Tonya Harding — and also produced it. This means having more skin in the game. Robbie collapses back on the sofa. Super exciting. She shucks off layers: an overcoat belonging to a girlfriend, a scarf she pinched from around the throat of her husband. Tanned, with Oz-sunned hair, she is by some distance the healthiest-looking person in the bar. Waiters ferrying brunch plates put some extra dash in their stride; the guy bringing her a cup tea gets flustered arranging the sugars; the one dog in the place seeks her out.

Only a slightly dazed, finger-clicky energy gives away the fact that Robbie is trying to outrun some pretty serious jet lag, pinging everywhere and anywhere around the world, trying to give her movie its best chance of success. But they have. Harding herself, now living in happy obscurity, gave the finished film her blessing.

Antithesis

The crime, quickly exposed, made news worldwide; it made Harding notorious, reviled, an easy joke. What was never so well understood was the violence that underpinned her own life. Harding was beaten by an abusive mother and beaten by Gillooly when they were married. Domestic violence featured heavily from its earliest writing, the portrayal of it sometimes on the border between seriousness and silliness.

Was Robbie ever uneasy about this particular strand of humour?

At the same time, they were supposed to be making a comedy. It was a repetitive cycle, so regular for her she could speak about it matter-of-factly. To be a part of dicey decisions about tone, to have a greater stake in artistic risk: this was why Robbie wanted to produce. Or rewritten. Or directed. Or budgeted. Or marketed. Or who it was sold to. Or how. All the weight of the film rests on your shoulders.

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Robbie leans forward and bunches her fingers, a characteristic gesture. Good luck getting another one. Robbie was sporty, competitive, took part in school plays, got especially good grades in legal studies. Why abide by that invisible rule? Therefore it would be unwise to uncritically assume that small-scale fishers' marine-ecological knowledge will automatically help to bring about wiser and more effective fisheries management, at least not until more is formally known about it.

As a report of the FAO II reminds us, "Locals have had more incentive to self-regulate a particular fishery than have nomadic roving fleets. Typically there is almost always a division of labor along both gender and age-class lines, with correspondingly different social-role expectations for men, women, children, adults, and the elderly. Normative gender and age-class roles generally arise from two factors that are interconnected and capable of dynamic change. The first entails the practical requirements of various fishing activities; the second concerns the larger culture of which the fishing community is usually a part, and what it prescribes regarding normative gender and age-class roles.

Normative social roles in small-scale fishing communities are therefore mediated by both factors, and are capable of dynamic change, at least within certain limits. Generally speaking, the social norms in a majority of the world's small-scale fishing communities prescribe that the primary producers be men, especially wherever production activities take place at sea. Women, on the other hand, are usually expected to perform dual roles: first, as the mainstays of their households and children; and second as the mainstays of fish processing, marketing, and distribution.

Parallel expectations are typically seen regarding normative roles for male versus female children, and for the elderly. Thus, male children and elderly males are often expected to do work associated with fishing at shore side, working with their male kinsmen, while female children and elderly females are expected to do chores around their homes, working with their female kinsmen. Yet while the foregoing patterns are normative in a majority of the world's small-scale fishing societies, there are many variations and notable exceptions in different culture regions. In many Asian small-scale fishing societies, for example, women work at sea, whereas in some Muslim societies women are not permitted to work in any fisheries-related activities.

Social norms can also be understood as cultural ideals which are generally subscribed to by the members of a culture, but which they otherwise permit to be flexibly applied as practical necessities require. As ideals rather than rules prescribing social behavior, there is considerable variation in how such norms are interpreted and applied in various human societies. So, for fisheries officials interested in better understanding the cultures of small-scale fishing communities, it will be important to learn not only what the prevailing social norms are, but also to understand how these interact with actual behavior.

Other typical social norms in small-scale fishing communities emphasize the importance of household members mutually supporting one another, even as they pursue distinctly different activities. Especially in many developing countries, for instance, the household may be organized a "household firm," which vertically integrates fisheries production, processing, marketing, and distribution activities. The members of such households are typically expected to work together cooperatively for the mutual benefit of all household members, and may also be expected to work cooperatively and reciprocally with other households, especially those containing their other kinsmen.

Moreover, all of a community's households may be expected to work together for the mutual benefit of the entire community, such as by supporting important community rituals and other events. Social norms are therefore compelled by both immediate practical needs and long-standing traditions and their associated ideologies. They are also compelled at various levels of social organization, ranging from norms prescribing appropriate social behavior between two people to other norms prescribing appropriate relations across a whole community.

Recruitment to fishing crews and other fisheries work groups Especially in traditional or pre-modern small-scale fishing communities, fishing-crew members and other fisheries-related workers are often recruited more on the basis of their important social ties in the community, rather than on the basis of their particular skills, experience, or labor costs.

In such communities fishing crews and workers in other fisheries activities are therefore usually recruited, first, from among household members, and then along ramifications of the fishing community's prevailing kinship system and other important social institutions. Because high levels of cooperation and coordinated teamwork are essential among crew members who work together at sea, members of kinship groups already having well-established patterns of social relations are usually more likely to work together effectively than are groups of randomly-selected and comparative strangers.

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Moreover, because small-scale fishers and others working in fisheries activities often experience periods without incomes, they are more likely to find interim support from their close kinsmen than they are from more socially-distant persons. Furthermore, by recruiting working groups along ramifications of household and kinship ties, there is a better chance of keeping incomes within these domains. Unfortunately, where there is a strong emphasis on recruiting workers from within kinship groups, unnecessarily inflated levels of employment in fisheries activities may also result. Such practices, while promoting widespread participation and full employment, may also result in low incomes among the participants, not to mention undue pressures on fisheries resources.

However, there are also exceptions to the foregoing patterns of work-group recruitment in many traditional or pre-modern small-scale fishing communities. Small-scale fishers in Okinawa, for example, strive to have their close kinsmen work on different boats to minimize the potential loss to their families should a vessel be lost Glacken And while shark fishing boat owners living in a small community on Mexico's Pacific coast hire their co-resident sons, they otherwise avoid hiring their other kinsmen living in the community, instead reciprocally hiring the kinsmen of other boat owners with whom they are not related McGoodwin Different fisheries activities may also require and reinforce different social norms in different contexts in the same small-scale fishing community.

For example, while high degrees of cooperation and coordinated teamwork may be required of persons who are engaged in capture fishing at sea, high degrees of competitive individualism may be required of persons who are engaged in marketing activities. On the other hand, where small-scale fishing communities have made the transition to more modern modes of social and economic organization, the prevailing social norms will likely compel higher degrees of competitive individualism in practically all spheres of social life. Fishing-crew members, for instance, may be recruited more on the basis of their skills, experience, and cost, with their relationships to their employers more like those seen among industrial-wage laborers.

Similarly, in communities having a more modern ethos, some household members may choose not to support fisheries activities and instead follow other pursuits, including pursuits that prompt them to leave the community. In modernized communities there will generally be lower degrees of social cohesion in the community's various social spheres than was seen before its transformation from a tradition-based to a modern community.

In the modernized situation, some household members may pursue non-fishing and more individualistic aspirations, the community's "household firms" may interact more competitively, and collectively the households may make fewer contributions to community events. Higher degrees of anomie and disaffection may also be seen among community members, as well as higher degrees of associated problems such as drug and alcohol abuse, mental disorder, and criminal behavior.

The primary producers are usually men In most small-scale fishing communities, the primary producers are usually men. This is especially the case regarding fishing activities that take place some distance from the shore. In those situations, the fishers are nearly always adolescent and adult males who are physically able to withstand the rigors of the required seafaring and fishing work. There are good adaptive reasons for this emphasis on male crew members. For one, fishing is physically demanding work, and because human males are generally somewhat larger, stronger, and have greater upper-body strength than do their female counterparts, on average they are potentially more productive.

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Another reason is that human societies rely on women's reproductive capabilities for sustaining their populations, and because offshore fishing is potentially very hazardous, that sustainability is less threatened by having mainly men, rather than women, working at sea. Furthermore, because in all human societies women are the primary caretakers of infants and small children, potential productivity would be decreased by having crew members on board who must divide their time between fishing and caring for children.

Also, most fishing vessels have severe space limitations and limited supplies of food and water, which argues against having persons on board who cannot devote their full energies to production, or, whom in the case of the very young, can make virtually no contribution to production. Women in small-scale fishing communities This is not to say that women cannot, or should not, work aboard fishing vessels.

Indeed there are notable exceptions to the foregoing general pattern, particularly in Asia, where whole families live and work together at sea. Also, in many fishing societies even when most of the primary producers are men, some women may still be employed aboard fishing vessels, but even then infants and small children are still rarely seen aboard those vessels. Yet, even if the primary producers in most small-scale fishing are men, there are still great variations in the degree to which this is socially instituted in fishing communities.

Moreover, as will be discussed below, changing gender roles in many fishing cultures now permit, and prompt, many more women to find work aboard fishing vessels than was seen only a couple of decades ago. Nevertheless, as previously mentioned, in a majority of the world's small-scale fishing communities women are still usually expected to perform dual roles: first, as the mainstays of their households and children; and second as the mainstays of fish processing, marketing, and distribution. Women in fishing families therefore usually also take a part of their husbands' catches for their households' immediate food needs, as well as to barter with close relatives and neighbors to provide for other needs--trading fish for vegetables and other items, for example.

In addition, women are often the principals in still other economic relationships in the community, securing credit from local food vendors, for example, to sustain their families between sales of their husbands' catches. In general, women in small-scale fishing communities are usually involved in more numerous, extensive, and complex social networks than are their male counterparts, especially those males who spend much of their time working away from the community.

The multiple roles which women usually play in small-scale fishing communities underscore their fundamental importance in their communities' social and economic spheres, and in particular their crucial importance in sustaining their communities' overall well being. Because of their prominence in these spheres, in small-scale fishing communities women who are involved in fisheries activities usually enjoy more independence, economic autonomy, and social and economic clout than do their female counterparts who are not involved in fisheries activities.

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Similarly, they are often more prominent in community affairs than are their female counterparts who are not involved in the fisheries. Moreover, because the women in small-scale fishing communities generally spend more of their time in the community than do their male counterparts who work at sea, they often develop more richly ramified local socioeconomic networks. These networks help them to facilitate seafood marketing and distribution, and in larger communities may entail working relationships with people with whom their husbands and other male kinsmen are not acquainted. In some small-scale fishing communities where the men are gone for long periods of time, matrifocal households may also be seen.

These are households organized around the mother-child bond, with household members typically consisting of an adult woman, her children, her mother, and sometimes her sisters and their children as well. This mode of household organization usually arises as an adaptive response to patterns of fishing which take the adult men away from their households and home communities for long periods of time.

In those situations, the daily management of households and community affairs falls to the adult women for much of the year. And again, adult women living in matrifocal households usually have considerably more personal autonomy and economic power than do their female counterparts living in the community who do not reside in such households. In small-scale fishing communities where women also work as primary producers of seafood they usually work in protected waters that are not far from their homes and their children.

And in those situations, their production is usually fundamentally important for supplying much of their families' food needs. In most small-scale fishing communities it is more often women than men who are found working in processing facilities. In these activities they produce vitally-needed cash incomes for their households, sometimes at higher levels and on a steadier and more sustained basis than do their male kinsmen who are engaged in fishing activities.

And while this processing work may not be as hazardous as fishing offshore, it often takes place in unhealthy conditions where on-job injuries and job-related medical problems are commonplace. Women often make important contributions in other fisheries activities as well, such as in marketing and distribution, working with networks of clients, brokers, and others, and making trips to transport fish to distant markets. At the same time, their absences while working in processing, marketing, and distribution activities often work hardships on their other family members, particularly their children.

Women also often make still other important contributions in fisheries activities. For example, they may have primary responsibilities for maintaining communications with their husbands while they are away at sea, scheduling maintenance for when the vessel returns, purchasing fishing gear that will need replacing, and alerting prospective buyers about catches that will soon be landed.

Nowadays the most important economic contributions that women make in most small-scale fishing communities remain mainly in fish processing, marketing, and distribution, but as societal conventions regarding appropriate gender and occupational roles rapidly change, women are increasingly making important contributions in primary production as well.

These changes in traditional gender roles may make some members of fishing communities feel uncomfortable, and as a result some may strive to prevent women from undertaking these new roles, and in extreme cases some may even strive to dissociate women from their heretofore traditional roles in the fisheries. Ultimately, such retrograde actions can weaken small-scale fishing communities, leaving them less able to remain competitive and progressive in the future. Indeed, in many small-scale fishing communities women's contributions are so essential that without them both fishing activity and everyday community life might come to a virtual standstill.

As gender-role norms and expectations continue to change in various culture regions--especially those regarding women--the traditional patterns heretofore seen in most small-scale fishing communities can be expected to change correspondingly. Now in some developing countries an increasing number of women work as crew members aboard fishing vessels, and in some regions greater numbers of men are seen working in shore-side fisheries activities, which until recently had been sole province of women.

But, in general, the women living in most small-scale fishing communities are still expected to serve in a dual capacity, balancing their primary responsibilities in domestic realms with their participation in fisheries activities. The primary producers are sometimes dissociated socially Especially among longer-voyage fishers, as well as among those who seasonally occupy fishing camps that are remote from their home communities, a dichotomous pattern of social relations is often seen.

This dichotomy entails strong bonds, cooperation, and camaraderie among co-workers at sea, contrasting with conflict, alienation, and superficiality in their interpersonal relations ashore. A variety of severe societal problems often result, including unstable and dysfunctional families, drug, alcohol, and psychological problems, and greater instability and dysfunction in community life in general. Notes for fisheries officials concerning the social organization of small-scale fishing communities In small-scale fishing communities the prevailing norms of social organization, social relations, and social behavior, however much they are influenced by the norms of the larger society of which they are usually a part, also incorporate adaptive responses to the requirements of fisheries activities.

In other words, many of a fishing community's social norms do not arise arbitrarily and are instead responses to practical necessities. Therefore, fisheries officials who wish to bring about changes in a fishery's management regime must first appreciate the adaptive experience that may be incorporated into the fishing community's social norms, at the same time attempting to anticipate the consequences of the changes they are contemplating.


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All small-scale fishing cultures have norms regarding recruitment to fisheries work groups and the division of labor, with the most important distinctions usually being made along gender and age lines. And fisheries officials need to be aware of these norms, understanding that while most permit some flexibility there are also limits to how much they can be changed without prompting undue social, economic, and other problems.

Regarding recruitment to fisheries work groups, for example, where fisheries officials desire to bring about training and certification programs conferring eligibility for participation in fisheries activities, they must first determine what the prevailing norms are regarding recruitment to fisheries work groups. Thus, where prevailing modes of recruitment emphasize selecting workers mainly on the basis of their important local social ties, government-sponsored certification programs may prompt disastrous changes in the community's social life, and indeed may not be feasible.

On the other hand, where prevailing modes of recruitment are more congruent with modern modes of recruitment, such programs may be well received, function smoothly, and bring real benefits to a fishing community. The multiple and very-important roles which women play in small-scale fishing communities also requires that women be integral considerations in programs aiming to change fisheries-management policies and practices.

In some cases programs aimed at providing support for women in small-scale fishing communities may do more to enhance the well being of community members than will programs that focus only on enhancing production or increasing the effectiveness of fisheries management. Fisheries officials would also be well advised not to promote management practices and policies that increase the dissociation of primary producers from their households and communities. On this view, programs encouraging fishers to stay out longer, or which predicate eligibility to fish on the basis of being a more full- rather than part-time fisher may be ill advised, with whatever gains in management effectiveness and productivity more than offset by increased social problems within the community.

Generally speaking, where small-scale fishers work mainly as day trippers and are rarely away from their homes for more than a day, their social relationships with their families, households, and communities will be sustained in better health. Yet these possibilities are commonplace among many small-scale fishers. Indeed, both large- and small-scale approaches to fishing comprise some of the most hazardous and economically risky occupations in the world, and in many developing countries these risks are formidable indeed see Ben-Yami , for an excellent and comprehensive overview of the risks and dangers confronting small-scale fishers.

Particularly in developing countries, small-scale fishers are seldom equipped with modern lifesaving gear such as life jackets or survival suits, and many do not have access to timely weather advisories or effective communications, nor can they count on rescue services should they run into danger while at sea. Moreover, while serious bodily injuries are commonplace in both large- and small-scale approaches to ocean fishing, in developing countries many small-scale fishers do not have access to adequate medical care should they become injured while fishing. Not only that, but fishers frequently experience economic reversals due to factors beyond their control.

For no apparent reason certain fish species may not be available when or where they usually are, or they may undergo wide fluctuations in their stock levels, and these factors makes their availability difficult to foresee in advance. Moreover, most fish species are not evenly distributed, requiring fishers to locate them first, while unanticipated changes in water conditions, weather, and fish behavior may similarly undermine fishers' success.

In small-scale fishing communities, many of the risks and uncertainties associated with fishing activities are mitigated in straight-forward ways, which can be appraised as cultural adaptations that are simply good common sense: for example, ceasing to fish and staying in port when severe weather is impending. But small-scale fishing communities also have other cultural adaptations to the risks and uncertainties associated with fishing activities which are more complex. Taking a conservative approach Successful fishers must take great risks, calculated rather than reckless risks, to be sure, but great risks nevertheless.

At the same time, sustaining fishing effort year after year requires that small-scale fishers take a conservative approach to fishing. Some of the more important factors requiring this conservative approach are: first, inability to accurately forecast stock availability and future fish catches; second, inability to accurately forecast future market prices for fish catches; third, inability to accurately forecast future weather and water conditions; fourth, often difficult and inadequate access to medical and life insurance; fifth, often difficult and inadequate access to business insurance which might spread some of the risks and uncertainties among other participants engaged in fishing; and sixth, often difficult and inadequate access to credit for sustaining routine fishing activities.

Maintaining occupational pluralism Maintaining occupational pluralism in small-scale fishing communities is an important means for minimizing the risks and uncertainties that are associated with fishing activities. Because the sea is an unpredictable provider, most small-scale fishers are required to have other means of livelihood they can turn to when fishing activities are not productive. Typically, most small-scale fishers follow a seasonal round that emphasizes fishing during certain seasons, as well as other, non-fisheries activities at other times.

These other non-fishing activities may include animal husbandry, farming, gardening, wage labor, craft production, wood gathering, and hunting. Moreover, all of the foregoing activities i. In essence they are analogous to economic-diversification which spreads economic risk by investing one's time in several different productive activities during the year. When small-scale fishers turn away from the fisheries to pursue other economic activities this reduces fishing mortality and gives stocks time to recover.

Thus, not only does maintaining occupational pluralism in fishing communities reduce the risks and uncertainties associated with fishing activities, it often serves conservationist and fisheries-management aims as well. Share-payment compensation systems Small-scale fishers also mitigate the economic risks and uncertainties associated with fishing activities by developing compensation systems which differ markedly from those seen among most of their non-fishing counterparts.

Because the outcome of most fishing effort is rather uncertain, fishers are almost never compensated on the basis of hours worked. Nor are "count systems" very often seen, which compensate them on the basis of the number or weight of fish landed. Instead most are compensated on the basis of predetermined shares or fractions of the proceeds from their catches, which are distributed to them after expenses for the fishing effort are first taken out. Indeed, share-payment compensation systems are so commonplace in small-scale fishing cultures that they are practically ubiquitous in developing and developed countries, as well as among fishers having radically different cultural orientations.

Share-payment compensation systems promote cooperative behavior, making fishers co-participants in a common endeavor, at the same time spreading among them the risks and uncertainties of that endeavor. And because they are jointly involved in a common endeavor, important decisions aboard fishing vessels are usually arrived at in a consensual manner. Even then, because the incomes of fellow crew members are usually far from certain, share-payment compensation systems may also compel fishers to work at or near the limits of what they perceive to be acceptable risk-another factor which makes fishing one of the world's most dangerous occupations.

Similarly, share-compensation systems may also compel some fishing crews to violate fisheries regulations, which can have deleterious consequences for fish stocks and also confound their working relationships with fisheries officials. Difficult and inadequate access to medical, life, and business insurance, and to credit for sustaining fishing activities Even in developed countries, small-scale fishers often experience difficult and inadequate access to medical and life insurance.

A major reason is often their economic marginality in the societies in which they live, combined with the prohibitive costs of such services stemming from the high actuarial risks associated with fishing activities. And these difficulties are even more formidable among small-scale fishers in developing countries. Small-scale fishers often mitigate the risks associated with their difficulties of obtaining medical and life insurance in various ways: by taking a conservative approach to fishing, for example, or by having family members work aboard different vessels, as mentioned earlier.

But for most fishers their vulnerability to physical risks remains an irreducible problem. Regarding the economic risks associated with fishing activity, small-scale fishers also typically experience difficult or even non-existent access to business insurance which might defray some of the economic risks that are associated with their activities. Unlike farmers who are able to purchase crop insurance, most small-scale fishers, including most living in developed countries, have difficulty obtaining analogous services.

Again, this is usually a result of their economic marginality combined with the high actuarial risks associated with their fishing activities, which would make the cost of such insurance prohibitively high. Hence in many small-scale fishing communities more affluent community members, such as food merchants, boat owners, fish brokers, middlemen, and other business persons, often extend economic protections which are analogous to business insurance.

Unfortunately, this protection is usually very costly to fishers and typically entails requirements that they sell their catches at predetermined prices and only to certain buyers. Otherwise, business insurance at a reasonable cost which might defray the economic risks of fishing activities remains lacking in most small-scale fishing communities. Perhaps even more problematic is small-scale fishers' difficult and inadequate access to credit for sustaining routine fishing activities. In many small-scale fishing communities, while various local persons such as those mentioned above may provide such credit, because of the high degrees of risk and uncertainty associated with fishing activities it is generally extended at a high cost.

Thus, although credit may be extended along ramifications of the community's social and economic organization, as an extension, for example, of ongoing face-to-face personal relationships in its kinship and other social networks, it may still not be extended on favorable terms because of the high degrees of risk entailed. Of course, fishers' difficult and inadequate access to credit is even more problematic in developing countries, where fishing outcomes are generally less productive and often more uncertain, and where financial capital is even more scarce.

In these countries small-scale fishers' inadequate access to credit may unduly constrain fishing production and even leave valuable stocks under-utilized. From a fisheries-management perspective, undue levels of caution in fishing effort may therefore result, as well as a general loss of potential income and food security in the fishing community. In some small-scale fishing communities, local fishers may develop cultural institutions apart from their kinship and other social and economic networks that help to facilitate their access to credit.

Savings associations may be instituted, for example, which make available loans for sustaining fishing activities. But even then the high risk of fishing activities, combined with the scarcity of capital which practically defines most small- scale fishers, makes accumulating levels of financial capital which might significantly increase fishing productivity very difficult to do, and especially so among small-scale fishers living in developing countries. Therefore providing small-scale fishers with adequate credit on reasonable terms will usually require that this credit be extended by entities which are external to their communities-at least until the fishers' own financial positions are sufficiently strengthened readers are encouraged to explore Annex Coping with the irreducible Coping with hazards to life and limb, especially in so hostile an environment as the ocean, to a terrestrial species is to cope with the irreducible and, thus, often involves the use of ritual magic Poggie and Gersuny While the cultural adaptations discussed above help reduce fishing's risks and uncertainties, irreducible risks still remain which no cultural adaptations can help fishers to avoid.

Thus, even while ocean fishing generally recruits individuals who demonstrate higher-than-average propensities for taking personal and economic risks, the risks and uncertainties they still must face remain difficult for them to cope with psychologically. As a result many fishers develop elaborate sets of magical beliefs, ritualized behaviors, and taboos which facilitate their psychological coping with these irreducible risks.

As such, these beliefs and behaviors are important components of their cultures that help to sustain fishing effort. In most small-scale fishing cultures such beliefs and behaviors are less often seen in comparatively low-risk fishing activities, those taking place in protected inshore waters, for example, whereas they are much more often seen in association with offshore fishing activities. Similarly, day trippers generally manifest lower degrees of these beliefs and behaviors than do fishers whose trips take them to sea for longer than a day.

Overall magical beliefs, ritualized behaviors, and taboos are more often associated with risks to personal safety than they are with economic risks see Burrows and Spiro , Lessa , Malinowski 31, Poggie and Pollnac , and Poggie, Pollnac, and Gersuny And still other reasons have been proposed for the ubiquity of such beliefs and behaviors among fishing people. Orbach , for example, proposes that they help to alleviate boredom among crew members while they are at sea, while Palmer 59 proposes that they also help to facilitate cooperation.

Antithesis - Antithesis Series Book One

Notes for fisheries officials concerning risks and uncertainties in fishing activities Ocean fishing presents its participants with extreme risks, both physically and economically. Therefore an integral part of a fishery's management policy should aim to reduce these risks to the extent possible. Heretofore, fisheries officials have mainly worked to reduce fishers' economic risks and uncertainties by managing their access to fisheries and sustaining important fish stocks.

In the future, however, they should consider taking on a more expanded role. For instance, fisheries officials should also help to facilitate fishers' access to lifesaving and communications gear, rescue services, and medical and life insurance.